March 5, 2007
Belgrade City Hall

Assistant Secretary Daniel Fried’s Remarks

Good afternoon. It is a great pleasure to be in Serbia and in this great capital where I and my family lived and felt so much at home. I am grateful to the mayor and his office for offering City Hall as a venue for these remarks.

I am honored to be here, at the former royal palace. It was in this building that Eugene Schuyler, America’s first envoy to Serbia, presented his credentials to King Milan Obrenovic 125 years ago.

This is, therefore, an anniversary of what has been, in the main, a close relationship. Serbia and America were allies in two World Wars and in the Cold War we found a way to work together. America remembers.

My theme is American-Serbian partnership for the 21st century, but we must see this in historical context, and not just through the prism of the 1990s or the challenges and choices of the present.

My country is still young, while Serbia’s history reaches back to the dawn of the last millennium. Few European states can claim older pedigree.

Your time under Ottoman rule was long, but from a historical perspective, a relatively small percentage of your history. After you liberated yourselves you reached out to Europe to take up your rightful place.

Then came the cataclysm of World War I, which so devastated this region. And between the Wars, Europe was torn apart by fascism. In World War II, fighting against the Axis Powers and civil war engulfed your nation. When it was over, communism tore apart Europe again, and while Yugoslavia kept its sovereignty, communism kept Yugoslavia from Europe’s free institutions.

The 1980s brought the end to the Cold War division of Europe. 1989 proved to be a decisive year for the eastern half of this continent. For most, it meant freedom and regained sovereignty; and reunification with Europe. For your country, 1989 meant the beginning of conflict – more war and devastation. Your approach to Europe was thwarted, again.

While the rest of the continent enjoyed the fruits of union, Belgrade was cut off in a way it hadn’t known even under Tito.

My point is this: as I as an outsider see it, Serbia’s modern history is one of thwarted ambition to join a free Europe.

But 2007 can be the year all that changes. Let me repeat: 2007 can be your year at last. Serbia has the opportunity to accelerate irreversibly its journey to a free Europe and the transatlantic world. You need only decide to take this opportunity for it to be yours.

This year as well, the challenge of Kosovo will present you with great choices and greater temptations. Think carefully. You know what is at stake; you need no American to remind you. But I have not come here to speak about Kosovo.

I have come here, rather, as an old friend of Serbia, to speak about the community that I hope you will join. I’ve come here to speak about Europe and the transatlantic community, this community to which you should belong and which beckons.

The transatlantic community is not just a geographic expression; it is also a shared history, a cultural space, and a set of political institutions. It is, at its core, shared values. The institutions of this community – the EU and NATO – reflect those values.

Europe and the United States are not the same; we have our differences. But we are two parts of a single trans-Atlantic community of democracy, prosperity, and power. And our values are indelible.

These include tolerance – a tolerance of differences, be they ethnic, religious or simply in lifestyle choices. We also share an attachment to market economics, where people, not governments, make the investing and work decisions that affect their lives. And we share a respect for free speech, even when we disagree with what is expressed.

The U.S., Canada and the different countries in Europe integrate these values in their own particular ways. Democracy in America, Italy, Poland has its own feel and style, but we all share underlying commonality.

Serbs have shown that you share these values as well. You showed it when you overthrew Milosevic, when the Otpor activists took back the good name of your nation from those who had hijacked it.

Europe achieved its new unity and internal reconciliation largely through its own efforts, but Americans were partners, and sometimes critical ones. From President Wilson’s ideals and support for self-determination, to our support for the euro, my nation has battled and bled for the unity of Europe.

After much sacrifice, we have seen the emergence of a Europe that is whole, free and at peace. Almost all of it.

One of the results of Europe’s new-found unity has been a dramatic shift in the Euro-American relationship. Between America’s entry in World War I and the dawn of this century, Washington’s European policy was focused on Europe. Now that Europe is almost all whole, free and at peace, America’s relations with Europe focuses on what America and Europe can do together in the wide world.

With success and wealth come responsibilities. Europe and the United States can not withdraw inwardly and create a fortress around us. We must together battle the dark side of globalization – terrorism, ideologies of hate, narco-trafficking, and the spread of epidemics. We can not forget the rest of the world; for good or ill, it will not forget us.

America has had its differences with Europe this decade as in every decade – we had a major difference over Iraq. But these are quarrels within the family.

America and Europe face challenges together, and seek common solutions.

In the broader Middle East, we are struggling jointly with linked crises from Lebanon to Israel-Palestine to the great struggle with radicals and extremists who do not want peace.

France and the United States are working shoulder to shoulder on Lebanon, defending the democratically-elected government of Prime Minister Siniora. With our support, the Siniora government has withstood Iran and Syria’s attempts to destabilize it and place their surrogate, Hezbollah, in power.

We and Europe are committed to the crucial effort to find a peace between Israel and the Palestinians. We both believe in the state of Israel, in its security, and in its democratic values.

But we both believe as well in the right of Palestinians to have a state of their own, a state that would be free, stable, and at peace with itself and Israel.

With Quartet support, Secretary Rice has initiated a process of dialogue meant to show the way to the creation of such a Palestinian state.

As we seek solutions, we could use Serbia’s experience in the region; think of the contribution you could make. Your experts know the Middle East well, Palestinians and Israelis alike.

The U.S. and some of our chief allies and partners – France, Germany, the UK, and Russia – are leading international efforts to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.

We must contain the threat the Iranian regime poses in its region and beyond through support of terror and export of instability. But at the same time, we are eager to support the Iranian people.

In Afghanistan, America, Europe, and our partners around the world are helping President Karzai and the Afghan people retain their freedom. All 26 NATO allies and many partners, the UN, the EU and others are contributing forces, experts, and resources to help the Afghan people beat back efforts by the Taliban and al Qaeda to drag Afghanistan back to darkness.

I believe that a Serbia could contribute to this noble project as well.

Think of what a project it is, how worthy it is of your efforts. Since 2001, more than 4.6 million Afghan refugees have come home. Under the Taliban, there were about 900,000 children in schools, and no girls at all. Today, more than 5 million children are in school – and about 1.8 million of them are girls. In 2001, only 8 percent of Afghans had access to basic health care. Today, the United States alone has built or renovated 681 health clinics across the country – and more than 80 percent of Afghans now have access to basic health care.

Serbian expertise and can-do spirit would be welcome, in any capacity.

Europe and the U.S. are also working together in Africa.

We can and must act together in Darfur, to end the killing; to convince Khartoum to accept a combined African Union and U.N. peacekeeping force in Darfur, its humanitarian tasks perhaps supported by NATO.

We should take advantage of Ethiopia’s drive into Somalia to drive out the extremist gang in control of Mogadishu. We must work together to put in place a regional peacekeeping force, to be followed by U.N. troops.

Belgrade, having helped create the non-aligned movement, could have much to say and do in the service of this cause.

We face global challenges we must tackle together, for none of us can successfully tackle it by ourselves.

Globalization is a positive force. It creates more jobs, raises the global standard of living and reduces poverty, especially in parts of the world, such as China and India, once overwhelmed by poverty.

But globalization also brings with it global terrorism, trafficking in narcotics and people and, potentially, the quick spread of pandemics. None of us can deal with these problems on our own, without friends and allies.

On all these problems and more we are an indispensable partner for the Europeans and they are an indispensable partner for America. And in each of these challenges, Serbia could contribute, if it chose. There is much we can do together.

Serbia could also do much to help build transatlantic partnership with Russia.

Russia is a great nation but is still debating its role in the world. America and Russia have already achieved real partnership in some areas and my country seeks to build on this. In other areas, we have our differences, and my country has had to express its concerns about some aspects of Russian behavior.

Serbia has had good relations with Russia, yet you managed, with skill and tenacity, to keep your independence from Stalin’s Soviet Union. Your skill and experience could contribute to our efforts to strengthen our partnership with Russia, based on realism about the problems but with hope for better ties and times to come. No one will ask you to choose between Russia and the transatlantic community. “Kto-Kogo” was Lenin’s phrase, not ours, and those times are gone and I hope will not return.

While America and Europe face outward together, we know that Europe’s unity is not yet complete.

Belarus stands apart. We cannot forget its people, and their struggle for freedom. But the government of Belarus itself may soon become tired of being a pariah state.

Ukraine stands at a pivot. With its Orange Revolution, that nation has already left behind its immediate post-Soviet era. Now its domestic political discussion has to play itself out, different parties will debate in the market of ideas what direction to take their country. We stand ready to welcome them.

We are working to extend help and friendship to Moldova and the nations of the south Caucasus states: Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, still dealing with separatist problems, and their post-communist transformations, yet making progress and already contributing to the transatlantic community’s efforts in the world.

There is a debate about where Europe ends. Some say it goes up to a geographic line and no further. Others say that European values and institutions can and should extend beyond the Black Sea and the Bosporus.

But I tell you where there is no debate – Europe is not complete without Serbia. Your absence is deeply felt, and must end.

The scars of Europe’s division will never be really healed without you. Both Europe and the U.S. would be greatly enriched by having Serbia with us as a full partner in all the endeavors I outlined for you today.

I know from my time in Belgrade in the mid-1980s what Serbia can offer the transatlantic community.

Belgrade then was a world capital where people the world over came to discuss critical matter of state. The views of your leaders were sought not as courtesy, but because they were worldly men and women who looked outward to the world, beyond the parochial.

This vision and sophistication remains in this city, ready to spring forth again. And we will be stronger with you.

This is why, just as after 1989 we invited other countries in the eastern half of Europe to join the transatlantic world and its institutions in stages, we extend our hand to you. The decision to invite Serbia to be a member of NATO’s Partnership for Peace is a vote of confidence in you; a sign of our commitment to Serbia.

It is up to you to decide whether you want one day to ask to join NATO and the European Union, whether you want to fulfill the requirements of membership.

I believe that the transatlantic alliance and the Europe Union would benefit from having Serbia along side.

But it is you, especially, who would gain from a seat at the table, from being able to add your voice to the transatlantic concert, potentially as a member of NATO or the EU, or both. You would influence decisions on matters that already affect you, but in which you now have no direct say.

Membership in the EU would mean for you a continent without borders, life without visas; universities throughout the continent more open to you; a great and wide field for all who seek opportunities; a life of growing and common prosperity.

Serbia could quickly conclude a Stability and Association Agreement (SAA) with the EU. It would take weeks, not months. Serbia knows what is missing – its full cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal.

Cooperation is your obligation, and it is in your interests. You owe it to your neighbors and yourselves to make a real effort to arrest the fugitives and indicted criminals Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic and transfer them to The Hague. No man is above justice. As more and more Serbs say, no one should make a nation pay because he refuses to stand trial.

Serbia’s full membership in a united Europe and undivided transatlantic community is no mirage. The people of Serbia were already international citizens at a time when your eastern neighbors were not allowed to cross frontiers. Long before the Berlin Wall was torn down, Yugoslavs were found in Paris and London and all the West European capitals. You were not isolated before and you are not meant to be so now.

The decision to achieve your destiny as full members of the transatlantic community is yours. Only you can claim this destiny. You know what you must do to claim it. Nobody keeps you from it. We will all benefit from having you among us, but do not forget who will be the main beneficiaries: you and your children.

Complete what you began in 2000. Do not miss this opportunity to join a community that beckons. Do not hold the Serbian nation back. No one outside will block you. No one outside will stand in your way. Join us. Heal the scars of Europe. And heal your own scars.

Thank you.

Ambassador Polt, Belgrade Deputy Mayor Radmila Hrustanovic
and students from the Faculty of Political Sceince. FoNet photo

Ambasador Polt, zamenik gradonačelnika Radmila Hrustanović
i studenti Fakulteta političkih nauka. FoNet fotografija

Ambassador Daniel Fried delivering a speech "Serbia and America: Possibilities
for 21st Century Partnership". FoNet photo

Ambasador Danijel Frid drži govor "Srbija i Amerika: Mogućnosti
za partnerstvo 21-og veka". FoNet fotografija

Ambassador Daniel Fried delivering a speech "Serbia and America: Possibilities
for 21st Century Partnership". FoNet photo

Ambasador Danijel Frid drži govor "Srbija i Amerika: Mogućnosti
za partnerstvo 21-og veka". FoNet fotografija

5. mart, 2007
Skupština grada Beograda

Govor pomoćnika sekretara Danijela Frida

Dobar dan. Veliko je zadovoljstvo biti u Srbiji i njenom lepom glavnom gradu u kojem smo moja porodica i ja živeli i osećali se kao kod kuće. Zahvalan sam gradonačelniku i njegovom timu što su nam ponudili Skupštinu grada kao mesto gde ću održati ovaj govor.

Počastvovan sam što se nalazim u zgradi Starog dvora. U ovoj zgradi je Judžin Šuler, prvi američki izaslanik u Srbiji, predao svoje akreditive kralju Milanu Obrenoviću pre tačno 125. godina.

Ovo je, dakle, godišnjica onoga što se većim delom može smatrati jednom bliskom saradnjom. Srbija i Amerika su bile saveznice u oba svetska rata, a i u doba hladnog rata pronalazili smo načine za saradnju. Amerika pamti.

Moja tema danas je partnerstvo između Amerike i Srbije u 21. veku, ali ovu temu moramo sagledati u njenom istorijskom kontekstu a ne samo kroz prizmu 90-ih godina ili izazova i dilema sadašnjice.

Moja zemlja je još uvek mlada zemlja, a istorija Srbije je takva da seže do početka prošlog milenijuma. Malo evropskih zemalja mogu da se pohvale dužim postojanjem svoje unitarne države.

Period koji ste proveli pod Otomanskim carstvom, pre nekih 370 godina, bio je dug period ali iz istorijske perspektive, predstavlja relativno mali procenat vaše istorije. Nakon što ste se oslobodili okrenuli ste se Evropi kako bi ste zauzeli mesto koje vam s pravom pripada.

Onda je došla kataklizma prvog svetskog rata koja je opustošila ovaj region. Između dva svetska rata, Evropa je bila rastrzana fašizmom. Tokom drugog svetskog rata, borba protiv Sila osovine i građanski rat progutali su vašu naciju. Na kraju tog perioda, komunizam je ponovo rascepkao Evropu i mada je Jugoslavija zadržala svoj suverenitet, komunizam je ostavio Jugoslaviju daleko od slobodnih evropskih institucija.

Osamdesete godine su donele kraj hladnom ratu i podeli Evrope. 1989. godina je bila odlučujuća godina za istočni deo kontinenta. Za većinu to je značilo slobodu, povratak suvereniteta i ponovno ujedinjenje sa Evropom.
Što se tiče vaše zemlje, 1989. godina je označila početak konflikta - rat i pustoš. Vaš pristup Evropi bio je ponovo osujećen.

I dok je ostatak kontinenta uživao u plodovima ujedinjena, Beograd je bio odsečen od ostatka sveta tako kako to nije bio slučaj ni u vreme Tita.

Ono što želim reći je sledeće: onako kako ja to kao stranac vidim, moderna srpska istorija je istorija jedne osujećene ambicije o pridruživanju slobodnoj Evropi.

No, 2007. godina može biti godina koja će promeniti sve. Dozvolite mi da ponovim kako 2007. godina može konačno biti i vaša godina. Srbija ima mogućnost da uveliko ubrza svoje putovanje prema slobodnoj Evropi i transatlantskoj zajednici. Sve što je potrebno jeste da odlučite da iskoristitie ovu priliku.

I ove godine, izazov koji donosi Kosovo, staviće pred vas velike dileme i još veća iskušenja. Pažljivo razmislite. Dobro znate šta je u pitanju; nije vam potreban Amerikanac da vas na to podseća. Međutim, ja nisam došao ovde da bih govorio o Kosovu.

Došao sam da kao stari prijatelj Srbije govorim o zajednici kojoj ćete se, nadam se, pridružiti. Došao sam da govorim o Evropi i transatlantskoj zajednici, zajednici kojoj treba da pripadate i koja vas poziva.

Transatlantska zajednica nije samo geografski izraz; to je zajednička istorija, zajednički kulturni prostor i skup političkih institucija. To su, u suštini, zajedničke vrednosti. Institucije ove zajednice - Evropska unija i NATO - odslikavaju takve vrednosti.

Evropa i Sjedinjene države nisu potpuno iste; ima stvari u kojima se razlikujemo. Ipak, mi smo dva dela jedne transatlantske, demokratske, napredne i moćne zajdnice. Naše vrednosti su neizbrisive.

Te vrednosti uključuju i toleranciju - toleranciju prema razlikama, bile one etničke, verske ili obične razlike u načinu življenja. Delimo i privrženost tržišnoj ekonomiji u kojoj ljudi, a ne vlade, donose odluke o svom radu i investicijama koje utiču na njihov život. Delimo poštovanje slobode govora, čak i kada se snažno protivimo onome što je izrečeno.

Sjedinjene države, Kanada i druge zemlje Evrope, primenjuju ove vrednosti na svoj sopstveni način. Demokratija u Americi, Italiji, Poljskoj ima svoj poseban stil i osećaj ali svi delimo temeljne zajedničke vrednosti.

Srbi su pokazali da dele sve ove vrednosti. Pokazali ste to kada ste zbacili Miloševića, kada su aktivisti Otpora povratili dobar ugled vašem narodu od onih koji su ga oteli.

Evropa je postigla novo jedinstvo i unutrašnje pomirenje velikim delom zahvaljujući svojim naporima, ali Amerikanci su bili njeni partneri i to ponekad partneri od presudnog značaja. Počevši od ideala predsednika Vilsona i njegovog zalaganja za samoopredeljenje, pa do naše podrške uvođenju evra, borili smo se i krvarili za jedinstvenu Evropu.

Posle mnogih žrtava, konačno vidimo Evropu koja je jedinstvena, slobodna i u miru. Takva je skoro čitava Evropa.

Jedan od rezultata Evropskog novootkrivenog jedinstva je bila i dramatična promena u evroatlantskim odnosima. Od ulaska Amerike u prvi svetski rat i početka ovog veka, politika Vašingtona prema Evropi bila je usmerena samo ka Evropi. Sada, kada je Evropa skoro jedinstvena, slobodna i u miru, odnosi Amerike i Erope bazirani su na tome šta Amerika i Evropa mogu uraditi zajedno u čitavom svetu.

Uspeh i bogatstvo donose odgovornost. Evropa i Sjedinjene države ne mogu da se povuku i da podignu oko sebe tvrđavu. Moramo zajedno da se borimo protiv tamne strane globalizacije - terorizma, ideologije mržnje, trgovine narkoticima i širenja epidemija. Ne možemo zaboraviti ostatak sveta jer ni u dobru ni u zlu, svet neće zaboraviti nas.

Amerika je imala svoja razmimoilaženja sa Evropom u ovom kao i u svakom desetleću - veliko razmimoilaženje oko Iraka. Međutim radi se o svađama unutar porodice.

Amerika i Evropa suočene su sa zajedničkim izazovima i traže zajednička rešenja.

U širem smislu, na Bliskom istoku se zajedno borimo u kriznim područjima od Libana do Izraela i Palestine, pa do velike borbe sa radikalima i ekstremistima koji ne žele mir.

Francuska i Sjedinjene države rade rame uz rame na pitanju Libana, braneći demokratski izabranu vladu premijera Siniora. Uz našu podršku, vlada Siniore se oduprela pokušajima Irana i Sirije da je destabilizuju i na njeno mesto postave svoj surogat Hezbolah.

Mi i Evropa smo odlučni u nameri da učinimo sve da dođe do mira između Izraela i Palestine. Zajedno verujemo u državu Izrael, u njenu bezbednost i njene demokratske vrednosti.

No, zajedno verujemo i u pravo Palestinaca da imaju svoju državu, državu koja će biti slobodna, stabilna i u miru sa Izraelom.

Uz podršku bliskoistočne četvorke, državni sekretar Rajs je otpočela proces dijaloga čiji cilj je pronalaženje načina za stvaranje takve palestinske države.

Dok tražimo rešenja, možemo iskoristiti i iskustvo Srbije u ovom regionu; pomislite samo na doprinos koji možete dati. Vaši stručnjaci poznaju Bliski istok, Izrael i Palestinu podjednako dobro.

Sjedinjene države i neki od naših glavnih saveznika i partnera - Francuska, Nemačka, Velika Britanija i Rusija - predvode međunarodne napore da se Iran zaustavi u proizvodnji nuklearnog oružja.

Moramo obuzdati pretnju Iranskog režima koji on predstavlja u regionu putem podrške terorizmu i širenju nestabilnosti. U isto vreme, želimo da pomognemo narodu Irana.

U Avganistanu, Amerika, Evropa i drugi naši partneri po svetu, pomažu predsedniku Karzaiju i narodu Avganistana da zadrže svoju slobodu. Svih 26. članica NATO saveza i mnogi naši partneri, Ujedinjene nacije, Evropska unija i drugi pomažu u ljudstvu, stručnjacima i sredstvima kako bi pomogli narod Avganistana da pobede napore Talibana i Al kaide da Avganistan vrate u prošlost.

Verujem da Srbija može pomoći i u ovom plemenitom projektu.

Razmislite samo kakav je to projekat, koliko je vredan vaših napora. Od 2001. godine više od 4,6 miliona izbeglica iz Avganistana vratilo se svojim domovima. U doba Talibana oko 900 hiljada dece je pohađalo školu, dok se devojčice nisu uopšte školovale. Danas, više od 5 miliona dece pohađa školu i oko 1,8 miliona njih su devojčice. U 2001. godini, samo 8 odsto stanovnika Avganistana imalo je pristup medicinskoj pomoći. Danas, su samo Sjedinjene države izgradile ili renovirale 681 bolnicu po čitavoj zemlji - i danas više od 80 procenata stanovnika Avganistana ima pristup osnovnoj medicinskoj pomoći.

Stručnost Srbije i njena volja da pomogne dobrodošli su u bilo kojem svojstvu.

Evropa i Sjedinjene države sarađuju i u Africi.

Moramo i možemo zajedno raditi i u Darfuru kako bi smo zaustavili ubijanja; kako bi smo ubedili Kartum da prihvati zajedničke mirovne trupe Afričke unije i Ujedinjenih nacija u Darfuru, a da njihovi humanitarni poduhvati budu možda podržani i od NATO-a.

Treba da iskoristimo činjenicu da je Etiopija ušla u Somaliju kako bi isterala ekstremne bande koje kontrolišu Mogadiš. Moramo zajedno raditi kako bi se osnovale regionalne mirovne trupe koje bi nasledile trupe Ujedinjenih nacija.

Beograd, koji je pomogao osnivanje pokreta nesvrstanih, mogao bi mnogo doprineti postizanju ovog cilja.

Pred nama su globalni izazovi sa kojima se moramo zajednički uhvatiti u koštac jer se niko od nas ne može uspešno boriti protiv njih sam.

Globalizacija je pozitivna snaga. Ona otvara nova radna mesta, podiže globalni životni standard i smanjuje siromaštvo, naročito u delovima sveta poput Kine i Indije, koji su nekada bili ophrvani siromaštvom.

Ipak, globalizacija donosi sa sobom i globalni terorizam, trgovinu narkoticima, trgovinu ljudima i potencijalno brzo širenje pandemija. Niko od nas ne može da se suoči sa ovim problemima sam, bez prijatelja i saveznika.

U vezi svih ovih problema i mnogih drugih, Evropa ima viziju koja odgovara našoj viziji. Mi smo nezamenjiv partner evropljanima, a oni su nezamenjiv partner Americi. U svakom od ovih izazova, Srbija može dati svoj doprinos ukoliko tako odluči. Mnogo toga možemo uraditi zajedno.

Srbija može mnogo pomoći u izgranji transatlantskog partnerstva sa Rusijom.

Rusija je velika nacija ali ona i dalje razmišlja o svojoj ulozi u svetu. Amerika i Rusija su ostvarile pravi partnerski odnos po nekim pitanjima i moja zemlja bi želela da to i dalje nadograđuje. Na drugim poljima ima razmimoilaženja i moja zemlja je morala da izrazi svoju zabrinutost povodom nekih postupaka Rusije.

Srbija je imala dobar odnos sa Rusijom, pa ipak ste uspeli vešto i taktično da sačuvate svoju nezavisnost od Sovjetskog saveza i Staljina. Vaša umešnost i iskustvo mogu doprineti našim naporima da ojačamo partnerstvo sa Rusijom, na temeljima realnih problema ali i nadom za boljim odnosima u vremenu koje je pred nama. Niko od vas neće tražiti da birate između Rusije i transatlantske zajednice. "Ko će kome" bila je Lenjinova poslovica, ne naša, a ta vremena su iza nas i nadam se da se nikada neće vratiti.

Iako Amerika i Evropa zajedno nastupaju u svetu , znamo da jedinstvo Evrope nije potpuno.

Belorusija se izdvaja. Ne možemo zaboraviti narod Belarusije i njegovu borbu za slobodu. Međutim, možda će i sama vlada Belorusije uskoro da se umori od uloge izolovane države.

Ukrajina se nalazi na prekretnici. Svojom "Narandžastom revolucijom" ova nacija je već napustila post-sovjetsku eru. U ovom trenutku politička debata mora da se odigra i različite partije moraju da na tržište iznesu svoje ideje o tome kojim putem treba da krene njihova zemlja. Mi smo spremni da im uputimo dobrodošlicu.

Radimo na tome da pružimo pomoć i prijateljstvo Moldaviji i nacijama južnog Kavkaza: Jermeniji, Azerbejdžanu i Gruziji, koje su još uvek opterećene separatističkim problemima i promenama posle komunizma, pa ipak napreduju i već doprinose naporima transalantske zajednice u svetu.

Postoji debata o tome gde se završava Evropa. Neki kažu da se ona ne prostire dalje od svojih geografskih linija. Drugi kažu da evropske vrednosti i institucije mogu i treba da se prošire i dalje od Crnog mora i Bosfora.

No, reći ću vam nešto oko čega nema dileme - Evropa nije kompletna bez Srbije. Vaše odsustvo se duboko oseća i to se mora promeniti.

Ožiljci podele Evrope neće nikada moći da se iscele bez vas. I Evropa i Sjedinjene države uveliko bi bile obogaćene ukoliko bi Srbija postala naš potpuni partner u svim poduhvatima koje sam pred vas danas izneo.

Znam, na osnovu vremena koje sam proveo u Beogradu sredinom 80-tih godina, šta je to što Srbija može ponuditi transatlantskoj zajednici.

Beograd je u to doba bio grad u koji su dolazili ljudi celog sveta kako bi raspravljali o važnim državnim pitanjima. Mišljenja vašeg rukovodstva tražena su, ne iz ljubaznosti, već zato što su to bili svetski ljudi i žene koji su gledali svet u širem, a ne u užem, parohijskom smislu.

Ta vizija i ta sofisticiranost ostala je u ovom gradu, spremna da se ponovo uzdigne. Mi ćemo postati snažniji sa vama.

Upravo zbog toga, kao što smo posle 1989. godine pozvali druge zemlje na istoku Evrope da se pridruže transatlantskoj zajednici i njenim institucijama korak po korak, mi taj poziv uručujemo i vama. Odluka da se Srbija pozove da postane član NATO programa Partnerstvo za mir, jeste glas poverenja u vas; znak naše vezanosti za Srbiju.

Na vama je da odlučite da li želite da jednog dana zatražite pristup NATO-u i Evropskoj uniji i da li želite da ispunite zahteve takvog članstva.

Verujem da bi tranatlantskom savezu i Evropskoj uniji bilo od koristi kada bi imali Srbiju kao saveznika.

Ali vi ste oni koji će najviše dobiti učestvovanjem u ovim institucijama, dodavanjem svog glasa glasovima članicama NATO-a ili Evropske unije ili i jednom i drugom. Time ćete uticati na odluke o stvarima koje su vam važne ali o kojima u ovom trenutku direktno ne odlučujete.

Članstvo u Evropskoj uniji će za vas značiti kontinent bez granica, život bez maltretiranja oko viza i dugačkih redova na aerodromima; značiće da će univerziteti Evrope postati otvoreniji za vas; veliko i široko polje za sve koji su željni novih mogućnosti; život stalnog zajedničkog napretka.

Srbija bi mogla veoma brzo zaključiti Sporazum o pridruživanju i stabilnosti sa Evropskom unijom. Za to bi bilo potrebno nekoliko nedelja, a ne nekoliko meseci. Srbija zna šta joj nedostaje - potpuna saradnja sa Međunarodnim tribunalom u Hagu.

Saradnja je vaša obaveza i vaš interes. Dugujete svojim susedima i sebi da uložite stvarni napor u cilju hapšenja begunaca i onih koji su optuženi za ratne zločine, Ratka Mladića i Radovana Karadžića i njihovog transfera u Hag. Nijedan čovek ne može biti iznad pravde. Sve više i više Srba kažu da nijedna osoba ne treba da dozvoli da čitava nacija ispašta zato što ona odbija da izađe pred lice pravde.

Puno članstvo Srbije u ujedinjenoj Evropi i nepodeljenoj tranatlantskoj zajednici nije priviđenje. Građani Srbije bili su građani međunarodne zajednice u doba kada vaši istočni susedi nisu smeli da pređu svoje granice. Davno pre nego što je berlinski zid pao, Jugosloveni su bili i u Parizu i u Londonu i u svim glavnim gradovima zapadne evrope. Niste bili izolovani tada pa ne treba da to budete ni sada.

Odluka da ostvarite svoje ciljeve kao punopravni član transatlantske zajednice je na vama. Samo vi to možete ostvariti. Znate šta je potrebno da to i uradite. Niko vas u tome ne sprečava. Svima će biti na korist da budete sa nama, ali ne zaboravite ko su oni koji će od toga imati najviše koristi: vi i vaša deca.

Završite ono što ste započeli 2000-te godine. Nemojte propustiti priliku da se pridružite zajednici koja vas poziva. Nemojte vraćati narod Srbije u prošlost. Niko spolja neće vas zaustaviti. Niko spolja neće stajati na vašem putu. Pridružite nam se. Zacelite ožiljke Evrope i zacelite svoje ožiljke.

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